Facts you need to know about gathering community input

The Mariana Islands are homelands, the Mariana home islands, including the surrounding waters, air, undersea and space environments, are the heart and soul of the Chamorro and Refaluwasch (Carolinian) cultural and spiritual identities. The late Guam governor Ricky Bordallo conveyed this when he noted: “Guam is not just a piece of real estate to be exploited for its money-making potential.” Above all else, Guam is the homeland of the Chamorro people. That is a fundamental, undeniable truth. We are profoundly ‘taotao tano’—people of the land. This land, tiny as it is, belongs to us just as surely, just as inseparably, as we belong to it. No tragedy of history or declaration of conquest, no legalistic double-talk can change that fact. Guam is our legacy. Is it for sale? How can one sell a national birthright?” (in Phillips, Land Ownership on Guam, Guampedia).

Misreading the Community: What Doesn’t Work and the False Perceptions that are Manufactured For decades now, social scientists and other professionals acknowledge (what Micronesian Islanders intrinsically know to be true) that current methods for gathering community input about impacts to natural and cultural resources (i.e., soliciting public statements spoken into a microphone at public meetings, and written comments regarding written reports) are not culturally appropriate for indigenous island communities like those of Micronesia, including the Chamorro and Refaluwasch communities of the Mariana Islands chain. Part of what must be understood from the inception of developing land-use plans, developing Environmental Impact Statements (EIS), to gathering community input, is that the roles and obligations of relationships in Pacific Island cultures are inherently reciprocal. Pacific Islanders are renowned for being good, generous, and thoughtful hosts.

However, what is not as widely nor openly discussed is the fact that there are also obligations and proper etiquette for the guest (e.g., a U.S. government agency like the military). Being a good guest is the other requirement viewed by Pacific Islanders as key and the employment of which provides for a healthy and balanced relationship within the greater context of Pacific Island social systems.

Good Guests Good guests do not ask for more than they should receive given the relationship history and the reciprocal obligations tied to that request. Good guests do not make themselves a burden to a host (e.g., the people of Guam and the NMI). Good guests understand what is too much to ask for or what is overly burdensome behavior. Good guests are humble and respectful in their interactions with the host community, which includes not calling attention to, or downplaying, one’s contributions or actions (i.e., not capitalizing on or taking advantage of the agency’s acts of “giving”). Further, good guests seek to recognize and highlight the great efforts made by the host to accommodate the guest, not the other way around. Not taking these cultural paradigms into account creates a false sense of agreement or acceptance owing to Pacific Islander cultural systems, which call for making guests feel comfortable; providing assistance; being generous/giving/sharing; and morés against saying ‘no’ when asked for something.

Pacific Islanders also have established norms to not speak for other families, clans, or communities and to not speak up out of place or out of turn. Further adding to the complexity of gathering community input in the Mariana Islands is that both Guam and the NMI have experienced unchecked rapid population spurts, which they are disallowed from controlling. Currently on Guam, Chamorros are a plurality (the largest of the ethnic groups present) but are no longer a majority in their own homeland. Some 60 percent of the island population is now non-indigenous and thus have relatively shorter and weaker connections to understand and contextualize just how deeply connected our people are to the total environment. While not entirely dissimilar with regard to plurality, the Chamorros and Refaluwasch of the NMI continue to adhere to their indigenous identity and as such, persistently reinforce their connection to their home islands.

There is, however, an underlying cause for concern in general because many who come from outside the Marianas hold and associate their strongest identities and loyalties to their respective place of birth and/or their homelands. For those without deep roots in the Marianas and who are also aware and care to acknowledge Chamorro and Refaluwasch sentiments, the feeling may be that because they are not tied to the island chain, it would be out of place to tell the indigenous community what should be done with their ancestral land and resources and so may not provide any input. Thus, many in the community may provide input that is not reflective of the historical uniqueness and value of the land, may provide limited or politically incorrect input, or may step aside and not provide any input at all. All of these conditions create situations that can be erroneously read by a government agencyas apathy or agreement. In fact, not showing up or not participating in public hearings is often the indigenous way of protesting the issue(s) at hand.

Inaccurate readings of Mariana Islands community sentiments also arise from the reality that their 250,000 members have been and continue to be overwhelmed with continuous requests for input regarding lengthy, technical, complex American English language documents that refer to one another (i.e., Environmental Impact Statements) which have been 11,000, 4,000, and 1,500 pages long and for which a 30- to 90-day time-frame is allotted within which to read, assess, and provide adequate response. Any community would be overwhelmed and quickly worn out and worn down by the level of requests being demanded of them which is precisely what is occurring. The potential opportunity for creating culturally appropriate methods for gathering input that is truly reflective of Guam and the NMI community is great. The agency just has to have the political good will to develop them not once or twice, but on a recurring basis. Chamorro and Refaluwasch Decision-Making Systems Chamorros and Refaluwasch have their own ways of generating meaningful community input as well as systems and rules about how information should be gathered and imparted. There are family, clan, and community experts, leaders, and elders that manage systems of respect and deference who carry out roles in representing families, clans, and communities, which, if bypassed, are considered inappropriate and disrespectful.

Moreover, Chamorro and Refaluwasch cultures are oral cultures. What is spoken by culturally prescribed and recognized experts, leaders, and elders has more weight and recognition as truth than the written word, especially that written by those from outside the culture and the Marianas. The Chamorro and Refaluwasch cultures are founded on respect for these ancestral systems of archiving and dispensing knowledge and truth. The Government’s Roles and Responsibilities in Gathering Community Input the intended goal of gathering community input regarding damage and destruction to natural and cultural resources is that the input must accurately reflect the true sentiments of the community. That was the intent by those who authored the regulations mandating that it be gathered.

Instead, current methods employed ignore, undermine, and silence Chamorro and Refaluwasch traditional cultural systems for providing such input. This, in effect, creates a dysfunctional system that results in the decline of social systems that, for the past millennia, have been rooted in these islands. According to American federal legislation protecting natural and cultural resources (e.g., NEPA and NHPA), the responsibility is on the entity seeking community input in indigenous communities to find out and provide culturally appropriate means for gathering input that reflects the true sentiments of the community and is not on indigenous communities to go against their cultural systems in order to provide the types of input that are being sought.

Genevieve S. Cabrera
Cinta M. Kaipat
Kelly G. Marsh-Taitano
Rick Perez


Toxic Bases in the Pacific

 




US and French military bases in the Pacific are polluting the environment with radioactive and toxic chemicals. The Nuclear Free and Independent Pacific movement calls for the closure of all foreign bases in the Pacific. But this survey around the region shows that the US and French military must also take responsibility for clean-up and compensation for their military-related toxic pollution. The practice by Washington and Paris of dumping wastes in their Pacific colonies and possessions is exposing islanders to serious environmental and health hazards.

Wake Island

In early 2000, the US military shipped more than 110 tons of military waste contaminated with polychlorinated biphenyls (PCBs) from Japan. These wastes were collected from US military bases in Japan and include surplus electrical transformers, circuit breakers and other electrical equipment that contain traces of PCBs. These materials were manufactured outside the United States and used by US military forces in Japan. Under US law, a 1997 court ruling held that PCBs cannot be imported into any territory of the United States governed by US Customs Service rules.

PCBs are highly toxic carcinogenic chemical compounds whose production has been banned worldwide. PCBs are listed as one of the “dirty dozen” persistent organic pollutants (POPs) by the United Nations Environmental Program for global elimination in an international treaty presently being negotiated by over 100 governments.

The PCB wastes were originally shipped to Canada in March 2000, but dockworkers and government officials in Vancouver refused to let the Panamanian-registered ship Wan He enter their city. The ship carrying the wastes then tried to enter the US port of Seattle on 1 April. It was denied entry to mainland United States by local authorities and returned to Yokohama, Japan in mid-April. The Japanese government did not allow disposal in Japan and reached an agreement with the US government to remove the waste from Japan within 30 days.

The US military considered shipping the waste to Guam, where the United States maintains a number of military bases. But US law prohibits the shipping of hazardous waste from a foreign source into the United States, including all its territories. Guam’s Congressman Robert Underwood and local Chamorro activists have spoken out against the use of Guam for waste dumping, calling on the US military to clean up existing PCB pollution in Guam and the Northern Marianas.

The US Department of Defence, in collaboration with the US Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), then made the decision to ship the waste to Wake Island as the holding site until a decision is reached on the final destination. Wake Island is a US possession outside the US customs territory located about 3,700 kilometres west of Hawai‘i. The island is used by the US military as a missile launch support facility for the Ballistic Missile Defence program. There are about 100 contract workers on the 3-square-mile island.

On 21 May, a spokesperson for the US Defence Logistics Agency stated the waste will be stored on Wake Island for up to a year. She also said there is no firm deadline for its removal (Honolulu Advertiser, 22 May 2000). Workers on the island will take the shipping containers that hold the PCB waste and bolt them to concrete slabs. The island sits less than 3 metres above sea level.

In its editorial of 12 May, 2000, the Honolulu Advertiser stated: “What is it about the Defence Department that makes it want to store hazardous waste on low-lying atolls? No matter how you slice it and no matter which atoll you choose – and no matter which atoll you choose – it’s a terrible idea. The Defence Logistics folks, in their wisdom, have decided to dump the stuff on Wake Island instead. That’s Wake Island, maximum elevation 12 feet, just as the hurricane season begins. It doesn’t matter whether storm waves wash the PCBs from Johnston or Wake. It’s the same ocean that will be contaminated. The Fish and Wildlife Service objects to that choice, too, and so do we.”

Johnston Atoll

Kalama Island (Johnston Atoll) is an US-controlled island located between Hawai’i and the Marshall Islands, about 700 miles south-west of Honolulu. (Flights from Hawai’i to Majuro often stop at Johnston, but non-military personnel are not allowed to leave the aircraft).
In April 2000, protests from around the region aborted early plans for the PCB shipment from Japan to go to Johnston Atoll, and it ended up at Wake. But Johnston Atoll, which hosts the Johnston Atoll Chemical Agents Disposal System (JACADS), is already heavily polluted because of US military activities.

The northern part of Johnston has a range of environmental pollution, including plutonium contamination from failed nuclear tests in the 1960s (In October and November 1962, nine atmospheric nuclear tests were conducted at Johnston Atoll including four tests at high altitude). Johnston was also used after the Vietnam War for the storage of hundreds of drums of Agent Orange. Many of these drums have leaked, polluting the atoll environment with dioxin. Agent Orange was sprayed by American planes during the war to destroy jungle, expose enemy bases and ruin crops needed to feed the Vietnamese population. It has caused major health problems among both Vietnamese citizens and Vietnam veterans from the United States, Australia and New Zealand.

Since 1990, the US Army has been destroying chemical weapons at the Johnston Atoll Chemical Agents Disposal System (JACADS) facility. After the Cold War, the US government wanted to destroy chemical weapons stored in Europe. These toxic chemical weapons, such as mustard gas and nerve agents, threaten human life as well as the environment. In August 1985, the US Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) issued a ten-year permit for the JACADS chemical incineration facility, allowing hazardous waste storage and treatment. In 1990, the US government shipped rockets and other weapons containing chemical agents from Germany to the Pacific. Since June 1990, these weapons have been incinerated at high temperatures at the JACADS facility, together with other weapons sent from Okinawa and the Solomon Islands.

From the beginning, JACADS has been plagued by serious technical and procedural problems that have threatened the Pacific environment and the health and safety of workers at the facility. For nearly half its scheduled operating time, the JACADS facility has been shut down – sometimes for months. There have been four documented cases where nerve agents have been released into the environment. On 14 March 1994, there was a rocket explosion in the Explosive Containment Room at JACADS. On two occasions when the atoll was threatened by hurricanes, the US Commander on Johnston Atoll evacuated all civilian and military personnel to Honolulu.

When a civilian group visited Johnston Island in April 1998 (including PCRC staff member Losena Salabula), JACADS Project Manager Gary McKloskey indicated that the plan now is to close down the JACADS facility by the year 2001, and convert it to a bird sanctuary!

Saipan and the Northern Marianas

In 1999, a cemetery at the coastal village of Tanapag in the Northern Marianas was closed after PCBs were found leaking in the area.

The environmental problem in Tanapag began when ceramic capacitors containing PCBs – including Arochlor 1254 and PCB oil – were shipped to Saipan in the 1960s by the US Department of Defence. The capacitors were manufactured by Cornell-Dublier Electronics as part of the US Defence Department’s Nike-Zeus contract for its ballistic missile early warning radar installation. The radar was originally stationed at Kwajalein Atoll in the Marshall Islands, but moved in 1967 to the island of Saipan in the US Commonwealth of the Northern Marianas Islands (CNMI).

PCB contamination in Tanapag village began when capacitators dumped in the village by the US military were used by local residents as boundary markers, windbreaks for barbecue sites, roadblocks for driveways and even headstones in the local cemetery. Some capacitors were found open and their inner linings were used to decorate rooftops and cemeteries in the village.

The CNMI government was only told about the capacitators in 1988 and removed them to allow a clean-up to begin. But the US Army Corps of Engineers failed to do a proper clean-up when the radar installation was closed.

Now, the US Army Corps of Engineers, the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), and the Agency for Toxic Substances and Disease Registry (ATSDR) are collecting samples of soil, water, food and fish in Tanapag as well as conducting health screening for villagers in an effort to determine the extent of the contamination. In September 1999, the US Army Corps of Engineers shipped some 1,094,000 pounds of PCB- and dioxin-contaminated soil to the mainland for disposal at a hazardous waste facility in the United States. However, piles of contaminated soil are still left in the cemetery.

Authorities are testing about 3,000 people from Tanapag village for cancer and other illnesses. This is the first time that the level of PCB contamination among villagers has been assessed, after over ten years of federal and local awareness of the contamination in Tanapag. Results of the blood tests will be provided in about two months, after the analysis is concluded in the US mainland. Health authorities in the Northern Marianas say tests for cancer may have to be extended throughout the Commonwealth.

PCB contamination is not the only environmental hazard facing CNMI residents. In April 2000, the US EPA agreed to sample groundwater in the Northern Marianas to check if it is contaminated with Agent Orange. The sampling work will focus on wells located within a golf course in northern Saipan. Containers of Agent Orange were buried on the island after the Vietnam War and the US government wants to determine whether the chemical has migrated into the groundwater.

Residents of Saipan have uncovered four other sites they believe are abandoned dumping grounds used by the United States military. World War II material has been found in Marpi, Capitol Hill, Upper San Roque and Upper Tanapag. Tons of debris from military equipment can be found in Upper Tanapag.

However the US Army Corps of Engineers says that the Upper Tanapag site is not listed in the Department of Defence archives as a dumping ground. Local officials believe there could be more such sites across the island and on neighbouring Tinian, which was used as a military airstrip during World War II.

More than 1,000 World War Two bombs have been found littering a proposed housing development site in Saipan. Most of the bombs were found near Suicide Cliff on the northern part of the island, piled waist-high on top of one another. Although the US Naval Administration combed Saipan for war debris – including mortar shells and hand grenades – after the war, much remained buried across the island, especially at sites of fierce battles between American and Japanese forces. These include the coastal villages of San Antonio, San Jose, Oleai, Garapan and Tanapag where the US forces landed, and Marpi, where the Japanese forces held out at the height of the invasion.

Guam

Guam was a major US military base in the Second World War, the Korean War and the Vietnam War, and today over one third of the island’s land area is under the control of the US military. The US armed forces have transported and stored vast quantities of war materials to Guam to support their activities. Over the years, these materials included nuclear weapons; chemical weapons such as phosgene and mustard gas; cleaning compounds now proven to be hazardous to human health and the environment; and insecticides and pesticides that are now banned as being carcinogenic or dangerous to human health and the environment.

Unexploded munitions continue to be found around the island – these are serious potential threats to human life and safety. The severity of the threat is increased by the age of the unexploded munitions, as the type of chemical used in Second World War explosives is known to become unstable with age. The military has not made a concerted effort at locating and disposing of these unexploded munitions and their discovery today is often by accident during civilian construction projects.

A US nuclear submarine discharged radioactive reactor water in Apra Harbour in the late 1980s, but the military did not inform the Government of Guam of the discharge. The people of Guam only found out about the discharge when it was published in a San Diego, California newspaper. We can only conjecture how many other unreported discharges happened in the past when Guam was a major base for the Polaris missile-equipped nuclear submarines.

Guam, today, is a major site for environmental clean-up under the US Super Fund program. The required clean-up is ongoing but the pace at which it is being undertaken is not satisfactory for the indigenous Chamorro people; especially as the promised return of former military lands cannot occur until the land is deemed to be environmentally safe.
The major source for potable water for Guam is the northern aquifer. This aquifer enjoys federal protection by being designated as a sole-source aquifer for Guam. However, several of the production wells have had to be shut down because of chemical contamination. It should be noted that the bulk of the US government’s land holdings are over or adjacent to this aquifer.

Since 1987, Chamorro organisations have been calling for the return of land not actively being used for military purposes. However, instead of returning the bases to their former customary landowners, the US military has been transferring bases to other US federal agencies, such as the US Fisheries and Wildlife Service. The US government has put 20% of Guam property into a “wildlife refuge”, but they do not fund programs to preserve the environment or endangered species on that land.

The Philippines

In the Philippines, community groups have formed the People’s Task Force for Bases Clean-Up, to lobby for the clean-up of toxic pollution at former US bases. Even with the closure of US installations at Subic Bay and Clark Airforce Base after 1991, there are many ongoing hazards. When the United States military pulled out of Clark and Subic, it left dozens of sites where toxic chemicals and asbestos had been dumped or buried in unsealed landfills.

The following are worst case scenarios of chemicals left in Clark and Subic Bay. All of the toxins mentioned below have been found to exceed World Health Organisation standards in soil and waters in and around Clark and Subic.

Mercury has been detected in some of the sediments of Subic Bay. There is a potential for health impacts to subsistence fishermen and women from the accumulation of toxins in fish and other marine life residing in Subic Bay waters. Mercury bioaccumulates in fish, and is a toxic metal that can cause irreversible brain damage to infants. Mercury has been known to cause birth defects such as severe cerebral palsy, mental retardation, weakness, visual loss, delayed development, spontaneous abortions, and neurological effects.

Toluene, Benzene, methyl ethyl ketone, xylene, and trichloroethylene are several of the solvents left in the Clark Air Force base. Solvents have been linked to increased risk of spontaneous abortions with maternal exposure during pregnancy. There is increased likelihood of central nervous system, heart urinary tract, lip, and palate birth defects in children of solvent exposed women, increased risk of preeclampsia, and damage to fertility and male reproductive functions.

Aldrin, dieldrin and PCBs, three of the 12 most hazardous persistent organic pollutants (POPs), have been found at Clark. Some scientists are linking POPs with falling sperm count, rising rates of testicular and breast cancer, behavior disorders, immune system changes, and decreased birth weight and brain development. Aldrin, Dieldrin, PCBs, and 1,1,2,2 tetrachlorine are suspected causes of cancer.

Benzene can cause Leukemia. Lead induces renal dysfunction, anemia, and neonatal mortality, infertility in men and spontaneous abortions with high doses of exposure, and developmental delay in children with very low doses of exposure.

Sister Rosalie Bertell’s long awaited study “Health for All” revealed that certain communities around Clark Air Force Base report conspicuously and disparate levels of kidney, urinary, nervous, and female system health problems. The highest prevalence of these problems occurred in CABCOM, Margot, Macapagal, Sapang Bato, Poblacion, and San Joaquin. These communities are located on the base or closest to highly contaminated sites. Examples of problems presented are tremors, cramps, spasms, frequent dizziness, frequent painful urination, irregular menstruation and premenstrual syndrome.

Bertell found serious evidence of poor health of the children. She found that weight and height of the older children were abnormally low, despite adequate nutritional status. It is from these findings, that Bertell suggested something abnormal is in the dust and water.  With the realization that people cannot buy or be provided bottled water forever, Bertell called for comprehensive clean-up, a process which would require people to be evacuated. Her final advisory was that Clark, Margot, Sapang Bato, Macapagal, Poblacion and San Joaquin be given clean-up priority, and permanent living conditions be found for CABCOM residents.

In response to the release of the “Health for All” Survey, the mayors of Mabalacat and Angeles City ordered the distribution of clean water to ten barangays near the former air base. Mayor Marino Morales ordered the immediate dispatch of safe drinking water to San Joaquin, Poblacion, San Francisco, Mabiga, Dau, and Mawaque. Mayor Cornelio Lazatin of Angeles City stated that the city would provide clean water to Sapang Bato, Margot, Macapagal, and Marcos. However the city does not have the equipment like water tanks and trucks, to provide potable water.

Through studies of hospitals in Olongapo City and Metro Manila it has been found that Olongapo and Zambales (which are near the former Subic Naval Base) have an alarming number of leukemia cases. Of the 385 leukemia patients between 1992 and 1996, 282 were below 18 years old. (Philippine Daily Inquirer, 17 February 2000)
Many cases have been found in Kalaklan village. The People’s Task Force for Bases Clean-Up learned from former base workers that Upper Kalaklan used to be a dump.

The Santa Rita River cuts across Kalaklan village and drains into the Subic Bay. An environmental baseline study for Subic collected 41 sediment samples from the bay’s harbor floor and various river and drainage canals and analyzed these for a range of heavy metals and organic compounds. Sediments from the bay showed that metals like arsenic, barium, copper, lead, mercury and zinc exceeded the standard levels. During high tide, water from the bay enters the Santa Rita River.

Hao, Moruroa and Fangataufa

France’s presence in the South Pacific is well known because of its nuclear testing program in French Polynesia. Between 1966 and 1996, France conducted 193 atomic and hydrogen bomb tests at Moruroa and Fangataufa atolls.

After the end of French nuclear testing, the French government has started to relocate the military presence from Moruroa, Fangataufa and Hao atolls. In 1996, the Nuclear Testing Centre (CEP) and French military began to dismantle the bases at Moruroa and Fangataufa. Some of the equipment and material was transferred to the armed forces, some given to the Territorial government and some scrapped. Low-level radioactive waste was buried in old test shafts, then covered in concrete. A 1998 International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) report also found that high-level radioactive waste, including plutonium, was dumped into two shafts on Moruroa. The IAEA report estimates that there are 8 kilograms of plutonium in the sediments of the lagoons at Moruroa and Fangataufa as a result of the nuclear tests. There is also evidence of plutonium and caesium pollution on the northern rim of Moruroa.
From the mid-1960s to the mid-1990s, a major priority for the armed forces was the smooth functioning of France’s nuclear bases in Polynesia. The bases had to be provisioned, and their equipment maintained. For decades, Hao Atoll in the Tuamotu Islands served as a staging post between France, Papeete and the nuclear sites at Moruroa and Fangataufa Atolls. Its 3000-metre military airstrip is one of the longest in the Pacific (it serves as an emergency landing site for NASA’s space shuttle).

In January 2000, French authorities announced that the Foreign Legion will be withdrawn from French Polynesia, and the military base at Hao Atoll will be closed. The cost of maintaining the 350 men of the French Foreign Legion 5th Regiment in French Polynesia amounts to nearly one billion Pacific francs (55 million French francs). This money was being deducted from the Fond de conversion de la Polynésie (the ten-year grant given to French Polynesia by President Chirac between 1997 – 2007 to lessen the blow from the end of nuclear testing in 1996). The French government has been charging the territory for the cost of monitoring the radioactive pollution left by three decades of nuclear testing! Now the Territory will be responsible for funding 20 soldiers of the RIMAP Regiment to monitor the former test sites, even though France has refused to return the atolls to the control of the Territorial government (see Tahiti Pacifique, April 1999 and February 2000 for details).
Today, the Territorial Government of French Polynesia is trying to turn Hao Atoll into a tax haven for foreign corporations.

An advertisement in the April edition of The Economist magazine urges foreign corporations to invest in “a genuine tax haven in the heart of the Pacific!” The ad states that Hao Atoll offers “exemption from corporate taxes, exemption from registration and property taxes, exemption from custom duties and no personal income tax”. It also highlights the range of infrastructure left behind by the French military forces: “communication satellite network; international airport runway; wharf for deep sea ships; desalination unit; nautical base; power plant; hospital”. Many of the 1700 Maohi inhabitants of Hao atoll are facing unemployment with the closure of the military facilities – the question remains: will they have their land returned to them, or will it be handed as a tax free zone to a corporate entrepreneur?

What Can Be Done

On 30 May, the CNMI House of Representatives joined the protest against dumping of toxic US military waste in the Pacific region as it expressed concern over its environmental and health impact on the islands. Members adopted a resolution during a special session calling on the US government to properly dispose of these poisonous chemicals to prevent pollution of the earth, particularly its oceans: “In solidarity with our Pacific Island neighbours, and for the future of our environment we feel that the US should properly clean and dispose of its toxic waste rather than put it in our backyard”.

According to a US Congressional document dated March 1999, the US military has PCB wastes stockpiled at bases around the world. If the current shipment of waste from Japan remains on Wake Island, this will open the floodgates to hundreds, if not thousands of tons of US military wastes being dumped in the Pacific.

As part of our call for the closure of foreign military bases in the Pacific, we must call on the US and French military to fulfil their responsibility for clean-up and compensation for the health and environmental impacts of military related pollution.

A Seattle-based environmental group, the Basel Action Network, says existing mobile technology allows for the destruction of PCBs. A viable, safe, on-site destruction technology is available, without the need to burn the PCBs (incineration of the PCB waste will give rise to dioxin and other toxic emissions). Rather than exporting and importing toxic wastes, government authorities should be using appropriate, safe waste-minimisation and destruction technologies.

There is a need for greater transparency by the military. They can begin by opening the military archives so that local residents can discover the source of past environmental and health hazards that affect them today. In Tahiti, Church and non-government groups are now campaigning for France to open its archives on the thirty years of nuclear testing, to allow study of health and environmental impacts.

There is also a need for Pacific Island governments to sign and ratify several international conventions aimed at controlling the manufacture storage and disposal of toxic chemicals, both regionally and around the world. The Basel Convention will enable the world to monitor and control the trade of dangerous chemical waste, by giving importing countries the option to choose which chemicals they want to receive and turn away those that cannot be handled safely. There is a need to develop policies for Prior Informed Consent in which importing countries can decide whether they wish to receive future shipments of particular chemicals.

References

Compiled from reports by: Rufo Lujan (Guam); Nuclear Free Philippines Coalition (Manila); The Saipan Tribune (Northern Marianas); Tahiti Pacifique (French Polynesia). Detailed references can be supplied by contacting PCRC.

Disclaimer

Please note that the views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the Nautilus Institute. Readers should note that Nautilus seeks a diversity of views and opinions on contentious topics in order to identify common ground.

http://nautilus.org/apsnet/toxic-bases-in-the-pacific/

What Is White Supremacy?




By Elizabeth Martínez / soaw.org
 
White Supremacy is an historically based, institutionally perpetuated system of exploitation and oppression of continents, nations, and peoples of color by white peoples and nations of the European continent, for the purpose of maintaining and defending a system of wealth, power, and privilege.

I. What does it mean to say it is a system?

The most common mistake people make when they talk about racism is to think it is a collection of prejudices and individual acts of discrimination. They do not see that it is a system, a web of interlocking, reinforcing institutions: economic, military, legal, educational, religious, and cultural. As a system, racism affects every aspect of life in a country.

By not seeing that racism is systemic (part of a system), people often personalize or individualize racist acts. For example, they will reduce racist police behavior to "a few bad apples" who need to be removed, rather than seeing it exists in police departments all over the country and is basic to the society. This mistake has real consequences: refusing to see police brutality as part of a system, and that the system needs to be changed, means that the brutality will continue.

The need to recognize racism as being systemic is one reason the term White Supremacy has been more useful than the term racism. They refer to the same problem but:

A. The purpose of racism is much clearer when we call it "white supremacy." Some people think of racism as just a matter of prejudice. "Supremacy" defines a power relationship.

B. Race is an unscientific term. Although racism is a social reality, it is based on a term which has no biological or other scientific reality.

C. The term racism often leads to dead-end debates about whether a particular remark or action by an individual white person was really racist or not. We will achieve a clearer understanding of racism if we analyze how a certain action relates to the system of White Supremacy.

D. The term White Supremacy gives white people a clear choice of supporting or opposing a system, rather than getting bogged down in claims to be anti-racist (or not) in their personal behavior.

II. What does it mean to say White Supremacy is historically based?

Every nation has a creation myth, or origin myth, which is the story people are taught of how the nation came into being. Ours says the United States began with Columbus's so-called "discovery" of America, continued with settlement by brave Pilgrims, won its independence from England with the American Revolution, and then expanded westward until it became the enormous, rich country you see today.

That is the origin myth. It omits three key facts about the birth and growth of the United States as a nation. Those facts demonstrate that White Supremacy is fundamental to the existence of this country.

A. The United States is a nation state created by military conquest in several stages. The first stage was the European seizure of the lands inhabited by indigenous peoples, which they called Turtle Island. Before the European invasion, there were between nine and eighteen million indigenous people in North America. By the end of the Indian Wars, there were about 250,000 in what is now called the United States, and about 123,000 in what is now Canada (source of these population figures from the book _The State of Native America_ ed. by M. Annette Jaimes, South End Press, 1992). That process must be called genocide, and it created the land base of this country. The elimination of indigenous peoples and seizure of their land was the first condition for its existence.

B. The United States could not have developed economically as a nation without enslaved African labor. When agriculture and industry began to grow in the colonial period, a tremendous labor shortage existed. Not enough white workers came from Europe and the European invaders could not put indigenous peoples to work in sufficient numbers. It was enslaved Africans who provided the labor force that made the growth of the United States possible.

That growth peaked from about 1800 to 1860, the period called the Market Revolution. During this period, the United States changed from being an agricultural/commercial economy to an industrial corporate economy. The development of banks, expansion of the credit system, protective tariffs, and new transportation systems all helped make this possible. But the key to the Market Revolution was the export of cotton, and this was made possible by slave labor.

C. The third major piece in the true story of the formation of the United States as a nation was the take-over of half of Mexico by war -- today's Southwest. This enabled the U.S. to expand to the Pacific, and thus open up huge trade with Asia -- markets for export, goods to import and sell in the U.S. It also opened to the U.S. vast mineral wealth in Arizona, agricultural wealth in California, and vast new sources of cheap labor to build railroads and develop the economy.

The United States had already taken over the part of Mexico we call Texas in 1836, then made it a state in 1845. The following year, it invaded Mexico and seized its territory under the 1848 Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo. A few years later, in 1853, the U.S. acquired a final chunk of Arizona from Mexico by threatening to renew the war. This completed the territorial boundaries of what is now the United States.

Those were the three foundation stones of the United States as a nation. One more key step was taken in 1898, with the takeover of the Philippines, Puerto Rico, Guam and Cuba by means of the Spanish-American War. Since then, all but Cuba have remained U.S. colonies or neo-colonies, providing new sources of wealth and military power for the United States. The 1898 take-over completed the phase of direct conquest and colonization, which had begun with the murderous theft of Native American lands five centuries before.

Many people in the United States hate to recognize these truths. They prefer the established origin myth. They could be called the Premise Keepers.

III. What does it mean to say that White Supremacy is a system of exploitation?

The roots of U.S. racism or White Supremacy lie in establishing economic exploitation by the theft of resources and human labor, then justifying that exploitation by institutionalizing the inferiority of its victims. The first application of White Supremacy or racism by the EuroAmericans who control U.S. society was against indigenous peoples. Then came Blacks, originally as slaves and later as exploited waged labor. They were followed by Mexicans, who lost their means of survival when they lost their land holdings, and also became wage-slaves. Mexican labor built the Southwest, along with Chinese, Filipino, Japanese and other workers.

In short, White Supremacy and economic power were born together. The United States is the first nation in the world to be born racist (South Africa came later) and also the first to be born capitalist. That is not a coincidence. In this country, as history shows, capitalism and racism go hand in hand.

IV. Origins of Whiteness and White Supremacy as Concepts

The first European settlers called themselves English, Irish, German, French, Dutch, etc. -- not white. Over half of those who came in the early colonial period were servants. By 1760 the population reached about two million, of whom 400,000 were enslaved Africans. An elite of planters developed in the southern colonies. In Virginia, for example, 50 rich white families held the reins of power but were vastly outnumbered by non-whites. In the Carolinas, 25,000 whites faced 40,000 Black slaves and 60,000 indigenous peoples in the area. Class lines hardened as the distinction between rich and poor became sharper. The problem of control loomed large and fear of revolt from below grew.

There had been slave revolts from the beginning but elite whites feared even more that discontented whites -- servants, tenant farmers, the urban poor, the property-less, soldiers and sailors -- would join Black slaves to overthrow the existing order. As early as 1663, indentured white servants and Black slaves in Virginia had formed a conspiracy to rebel and gain their freedom. In 1676 came Bacon's Rebellion by white frontiersmen and servants alongside Black slaves. The rebellion shook up Virginia's planter elite. Many other rebellions followed, from South Carolina to New York. The main fear of elite whites everywhere was a class fear. Their solution: divide and control. Certain privileges were given to white indentured servants. They were allowed to join militias, carry guns, acquire land, and have other legal rights not allowed to slaves. With these privileges they were legally declared white on the basis of skin color and continental origin. That made them "superior" to Blacks (and Indians). Thus whiteness was born as a racist concept to prevent lower-class whites from joining people of color, especially Blacks, against their class enemies. The concept of whiteness became a source of unity and strength for the vastly outnumbered Euroamericans -- as in South Africa, another settler nation. Today, unity across color lines remains the biggest threat in the eyes of a white ruling class.

White Supremacy

In the mid-1800s, new historical developments served to strengthen the concept of whiteness and insitutionalize White Supremacy. The doctrine of Manifest Destiny, born at a time of aggressive western expansion, said that the United States was destined by God to take over other peoples and lands. The term was first used in 1845 by the editor of a popular journal, who affirmed "the right of our manifest destiny to overspread and to possess the whole continent which providence has given us for the development of the great experiment of liberty and federated self-government."

Since the time of Jefferson, the United States had had its eye on expanding to the Pacific Ocean and establishing trade with Asia. Others in the ruling class came to want more slave states, for reasons of political power, and this also required westward expansion. Both goals pointed to taking over part of Mexico. The first step was Texas, which was acquired for the United States by filling the territory with Anglos who then declared a revolution from Mexico in 1836. After failing to purchase more Mexican territory, President James Polk created a pretext for starting a war with the declared goal of expansion. The notoriously brutal, two-year war was justfied in the name of Manifest Destiny.

Manifest Destiny is a profoundly racist concept. For example, a major force of opposition to gobbling up Mexico at the time came from politicians saying "the degraded Mexican-Spanish" were unfit to become part of the United States; they were "a wretched people . . . mongrels." In a similar way, some influential whites who opposed slavery in those years said Blacks should be removed from U.S. soil, to avoid "contamination" by an inferior people (source of all this information is the book _Manifest Destiny_ by Anders Stephanson, Hill & Wang, 1995).

Earlier, Native Americans had been the target of white supremacist beliefs which not only said they were dirty, heathen "savages," but fundamentally inferior in their values. For example, they did not see land as profitable real estate but as Our Mother.

The doctrine of Manifest Destiny facilitated the geographic extension and economic development of the United States while confirming racist policies and practices. It established White Supremacy more firmly than ever as central to the U.S. definition of itself. The arrogance of asserting that God gave white people (primarily men) the right to dominate everything around them still haunts our society and sustains its racist oppression.


http://www.filmsforaction.org/articles/what-is-white-supremacy/